A uranium mining ban implemented by the
incumbent Western Australian Labor government in 2017 looked like a
game changer for the various campaigners, some of whom have been fighting on this front since the 1970’s.
Most watchful eyes are now focused on
the David and Goliath court battle waged by the remote Tjiwarl
Elders against the
slick machinations of the Liberals’ state and federal environmental approval
processes.
But a year out from the next WA state election and hot on the heels of yet another turn towards the conservative Liberal government, the ban's shortcomings look set to cause long-term problems.
But a year out from the next WA state election and hot on the heels of yet another turn towards the conservative Liberal government, the ban's shortcomings look set to cause long-term problems.
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| West Australia's Western Desert region - supplied CCWA |
Environment Minister, Melissa Price, her federal electorate squarely in WA uranium country, appeared to jumped the gun right before the election was called, to grant approval to Cameco’s Yeelirrie mine. This was despite her previous commitment to waiting out the court process, and, that the matter was still under appeal in the WA Courts.
For all her trouble Cameco’s praise just
highlighted the emptiness of that play – that without a sustainable market, the
project’s stasis simply continues uninterrupted.
The optics and allegations that Price took and acted upon the owner’s advice mired her election campaign. The Opposition called for an inquiry, and following the re-election of the federal Liberal government Price was shipped out to the Defence Industries portfolio to work in tandem with a more senior minister in an adjacent portfolio.
The optics and allegations that Price took and acted upon the owner’s advice mired her election campaign. The Opposition called for an inquiry, and following the re-election of the federal Liberal government Price was shipped out to the Defence Industries portfolio to work in tandem with a more senior minister in an adjacent portfolio.
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| Cameco comments on Price advice – Slezak: Government Approved Mine Day Before the Election Called_ABC (Link Above) |
Price's Yeelirrie approval
looked carefully-timed to reduce media attention, right before the ANZAC
Day national holiday. After its discovery, seemingly, Price went to ground.
Matthias Cormann supportively stepped in for his colleague, confirming she had not snuck the approval through the day before the election was called. He clarified that she had actually had the approval since March 5.
Matthias Cormann supportively stepped in for his colleague, confirming she had not snuck the approval through the day before the election was called. He clarified that she had actually had the approval since March 5.
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| Cormann comments on March 5 approval_SBS_AAP (Linked Above) |
Ban Shortcomings - Bigger Problems Ahead?
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| Vicki Abdullah - Tjiwarl Traditional Owner & 1 of the Appeal Applicants - Supplied |
The ban’s weaknesses have been relatively unnoticeable behind the media spectacle surrounding both, the Tjiwarl Appeal, and, the controversial nature of the former WA government’s sudden 2017 uranium mine approvals.
Initially, West Australians were told it was virtually impossible for the ban to be used retrospectively to reverse those pre-2017 election approvals. The risk of litigation by the companies was just too high according to the minister.
However, last month, one country that has previously suffered radioactive fallout, took that risky step.
Kyrgyzstan implemented a total ban after heated protests spread through major centres. The protest movement evinced longstanding public anger over radiation leaks. The capacity of Kyrgyzstan’s ban to retrospectively outlaw uranium mines was planned to balance society’s new priorities against old government approvals.
However, Australia has also experienced fallout :
The routine litigation argument against a retroactive uranium mining ban, is considerably less onerous for Kyrgyzstan’s government due to the limited number and size of the country’s uranium projects, compared to Western Australia’s.
In contrast, Western Australia's ban - regardless of possible good intentions, is far less comprehensive and has some surprising shortfalls. These have become particularly obvious after last month's federal Liberal election win.
One potential issue that exists in WA's ban is that it has no apparent capacity to circumvent uranium-focused mining exploration, which is currently thriving.
In the 1950s atomic tests were facilitated by PM Robert Menzies, and English political lobbyists whose government failed to accurately disclose the dangers or prevent fallout exposure. Menzies was eager to develop economic benefits from nuclear science.
Tests took place at locations deemed remote and uninhabited, but which were occupied by Aboriginal nations. There were complaints about fallout after the first test. Menzies then signed on for more tests, while English authorities cruelly quipped, that Aboriginal people who were adversely affected should vote (pre-1967-referendum).
Australian servicemen were also exposed and not adequately protected or warned. In 2003 England denied them compensation for their health problems and their children’s, on the basis they couldn't prove the cause was the 1950s fallout.
The McClelland Royal Commission 15 years earlier, said high cancer rates probably stemmed from this fallout exposure and also, for the first time, revealed the true extent of Menzies' and England's deceptive misconduct.
The routine litigation argument against a retroactive uranium mining ban, is considerably less onerous for Kyrgyzstan’s government due to the limited number and size of the country’s uranium projects, compared to Western Australia’s.
In contrast, Western Australia's ban - regardless of possible good intentions, is far less comprehensive and has some surprising shortfalls. These have become particularly obvious after last month's federal Liberal election win.
One potential issue that exists in WA's ban is that it has no apparent capacity to circumvent uranium-focused mining exploration, which is currently thriving.
So, 2 years on from the historic reimplementation of WA Labor’s vital uranium mining
ban, there are still 4 WA uranium mining projects.
And, potentially, there could be many more on the horizon.
And, potentially, there could be many more on the horizon.
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| Western Australia's Western Desert region - supplied CCWA |
The state and federal Liberals’ strong advocacy for the nuclear sector, and, the present, unrestricted mining exploration licenses, will likely underscore more uranium project approvals if the party wins the 2020 or 2023 state election.
The 4 existing projects are:
- Vimy Resources’ Mulga Rock (180km from Laverton);
- Cameco’s Yeelirrie project(Western Desert, 70km out of Wiluna);
- Kintyre project(near Jigalong in the Pilbara); and,
- the Wiluna project belonging to Toro and Mega Uranium.
Ironically, WA’s 4 approved projects
have not been stymied by the
WA Labor government’s determined efforts to protect the environment via the ban,
but by the low-price of uranium since the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
WA Labor government’s determined efforts to protect the environment via the ban,
but by the low-price of uranium since the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
By the end of last year 49 exploration licenses had reported expenditure for uranium. The government cannot identify which exploration companies are uranium-focused until they report expenditure for uranium, and it ‘may be found unintentionally when exploring for other minerals.’
- mining ministry spokesperson.
Although,
some of those licensed exploration companies are really open about their uranium interests. For some it is their selling point on the ASX. Just 1 example, of innumerable exploration companies operating in WA, has 6 WA exploration licenses, including 3 promising ones in the Wiluna region.
The company is meeting its obligations, the ministry assures, but it may be reasonable to consider if the uranium ban is actually meeting its.
some of those licensed exploration companies are really open about their uranium interests. For some it is their selling point on the ASX. Just 1 example, of innumerable exploration companies operating in WA, has 6 WA exploration licenses, including 3 promising ones in the Wiluna region.
The company is meeting its obligations, the ministry assures, but it may be reasonable to consider if the uranium ban is actually meeting its.
Even though the government ‘has implemented a “no uranium mining” condition on future mining leases, it does not intend to change the regulatory system for uranium exploration,’ the spokesperson said.
Moreover,
last year exploration applications showed a rapid escalation from the usual 200-per-month average, to 366 in May and 300 in June...etc etc. This monthly figure is indicative of the high quantity of new active licenses in resources-driven WA.
The government enthusiastically supports the state's huge and highly influential mining industry, by encouraging exploration (of various minerals) with a co-funding scheme. The state's economy has long been very reliant on revenue stemming from mining and is still rebalancing from a number of economic shocks in recent years.
last year exploration applications showed a rapid escalation from the usual 200-per-month average, to 366 in May and 300 in June...etc etc. This monthly figure is indicative of the high quantity of new active licenses in resources-driven WA.
The government enthusiastically supports the state's huge and highly influential mining industry, by encouraging exploration (of various minerals) with a co-funding scheme. The state's economy has long been very reliant on revenue stemming from mining and is still rebalancing from a number of economic shocks in recent years.
In 2018 – just a year after the reimplementation of Labor's epic uranium mining ban, approvals for companies openly looking for uranium were granted. These exploration licenses do not end until 2023. They will span
the next 2 WA elections. There is no guarantee of 1 Labor win, let alone 2.
The uranium mining ban has no preventative measures built into it for the unexpected election outcome of a Labor loss. Also, as the ban is not retroactive, it cannot prevent a recurrence of present mine approval-related problems, after future WA Liberal government terms.
The uranium mining ban has no preventative measures built into it for the unexpected election outcome of a Labor loss. Also, as the ban is not retroactive, it cannot prevent a recurrence of present mine approval-related problems, after future WA Liberal government terms.
Even during WA Labor terms, exploration companies are not hindered in finding and mapping uranium discoveries, possibly even co-funded. Companies buying into those discoveries will be free to seek project approvals during future Liberal government terms. ###
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| Shirley Wonyabong - Yeelirrie Appeal Applicant and Tjwarl Elder - Photo Supplied |
